Rain Stoppers, Traditional Knowledge in A Modern Age ( 4 )

Although the average rainfall in Bali is relatively low, avoiding disappointment from the possibility of rain by providing a rain diverter is always worth planning. Since the topic of the rain-stopping ritual is often discussed between people in the tourism industry, especially by event organizers with their foreigner counterparts, more and more outsiders know and think about rain-stoppers. Eventually the subject can even serve to promote and enhance the mystical image of Bali.
The continued use of rain-stoppers in various activities indicates that this traditional knowledge or belief still has its functional meaning and practicality in the modern age. Although modern technology now witnesses the use of laser-light to clear a cloud to prevent rainfall, the traditional way to divert rain is still popular in Bali as it is in most regions in Java. Compared to modern technology, the use of a traditional rain-stopper is much more practical, while its effectiveness is almost certain. If you happen to have an important and special outdoor function yourself, do not allow rain to spoil it. Invite a rain-diverter, and, let the Balinese Gods do the rest.

Rain Stoppers, Traditional Knowledge in A Modern Age ( 3 )

In Balinese tradition there is also a rain-asking ritual. This ritual is usually performed in the case of long dry spells. Groups of farmers often perform this in order to water their paddy. A more elaborate offering is required for the rain-asking ritual. Both the rain-asking and stopping rituals have proved to work well otherwise would not still be performed. The failure of a rain stopping ritual might occur because several rain-stoppers are in action at the same time at a similar location. Each of them will push away the clouds from the area they have to secure, sometimes to the direction where another rain-stopping ritual is being held. By this, the attempt easily fails. Another reason may be that the ritual of rain stopping is performed too close to the time of rainfall. The earlier a rain-stopping ritual is performed, the better the results. The better prepared the ritual, the higher chance it will be fulfilled by God.
A person who performs the rain stopping or rain diverting is called 'tukang terang' in Balinese or 'pawang hujan' in Indonesian. Knowledge in asking and preventing or diverting rainfall is kept in a 'lontar' leaf manuscript written in old Javanese. Some of these have recently been printed into a book form with stunning calligraphy or rerajahan. A tukang terang usually gains knowledge and skill through either reading lontar palm leaves or by receiving divine blessings through a series of trances. Before being able to perform a rain stopping ritual, they need to do a self-purification ritual. Many temple priests try to have rain stopping rituals performed for his/ her temple. A set of offerings and a lot of incense is required for performing a rain-stopping ritual. The offerings will be officiated in a shrine or temple near to the area where the function is to be held. Hotel management or event organizers might invite a tukang terang from a distant village if the local temple priest is not keen to do so. During the ritual, a tukang terang spell is cast as a mantra in the form of mediation, to ask God to kindly pour rain on another place.
A rain diverter is often in high demand during the rainy season in Bali. Rainy season falls between September and April. This means that the holiday and festivity month of December and January tend to have a lot of rain. As there are usually a lot of outdoor celebration during these months; concerts, and parties, the invitation of a rain-stopper to ensure the smooth running of a program is often given priority. The success of a rain-diverting ritual can be as high as 90%. Event organizers have to budget extra to ensure their program is rain free. As other rituals in Balinese tradition, there is no fixed charge for rain-stopper ritual, but it could cost between US$ 25 to US$ 100, including the costs of offerings.

Rain Stoppers, Traditional Knowledge in A Modern Age ( 2 )

For rain, however, the Balinese have a tradition to stop, hold, or divert it to other locations or to simply hold it for several hours. The aim is to secure a rain-free spot where a function or activity is being held. Many important occasions in Bali and other parts of Indonesia were made rain-free by traditional means. For example, the opening performances of the annual Bali Arts Festival at the Denpasar Art Centre is usually accompanied by a rain-stopping ritual, especially if the program is going to be attended by special guests like Presidents, ministers, and ambassadors. To also ensure the smooth running of a temple festival, a ritual of rain stopping will usually be performed. At Besakih Temple, there is a shrine for the seat of Ida Ratu Sila Majemuh, where rain-stopping rituals are usually performed to avoid rainfall in the Besakih Temple area during a festival. The celebration of Asia-Africa Conference Anniversary in West Java, in 2005, was also secured by rain-stopper.
The ritual of rain-stopping or diverting, is not an eye-catching activity because it is performed low key. It is performed by officiating small offerings and burning incense, as well as a plate of fire (pengasepan). All of these aim to produce smoke that on rising up is believed to be able to push clouds away. The movement of the clouds aims at letting the rain fall elsewhere or pour when the rain stopping ritual has ended.

Rain Stoppers, Traditional Knowledge in A Modern Age ( 1 )

Imagine a three-month well planned garden party all of a sudden dissolved by heavy rain. Invited guests scattered around, food soaking wet, and all the fine decorations destroyed by water. Imagine an open-aired professionally prepared musical concert cannot proceed because of water pouring unexpectedly from the dark sky overhead. Assume a special outdoor party for an incentive tour group failed to continue because of rain. All of these situations would cause great pain and disappointment.

In order to avoid such disappointment and pain, inviting a rain stopper or diverter might be a good idea. It might sound senseless, but attempts in stopping unexpected rainfall is one of the oldest traditions in Balinese cultural practices, which can also be found in most societies in Java. This tradition is still practiced by the Balinese, because of its significance and function, not only within traditional, but also within a modern context, such as tourism activities. These beliefs and practices are not aimed against the will of Mother Nature. In fact, people believe that Mother Nature has her own system that cannot be intervened by human beings. All natural occurrences, such as earthquakes, tsunamis, floods, lighting, strong winds, and thunder are predestined by God through Mother Nature. No one knows how to predict them or how to stop or divert them, to save human lives and prevent natural disasters.

Holy Water : From Spiritual Significance to Social Hierarchy ( 4 )

Tirta is a Sanskrit word meaning water, holy water, river, or bathing place. It also means the holy place for pilgrimage as in the word tirtayatra. Tirtayatra has recently become popular amongst the Balinese. They do not only practice tirtayatra around Bali but also at temples in Java and some places in India. Several Balinese tour companies offer packaged tirtayatra tours to India, although they are not demanded as highly as the annual Muslim pilgrimage to Mekka, have been steadily on the increase. Bathing in the River Ganges is always included on India's tirtayatra itinerary. Tirtayatra to India is affordable only by the upper-middle and upper class Balinese Hindus. The lower-middle and lower class people do tirtayatra on auspicious days, such as at the full moon (purnama) to holy places in Bali and Java. The goal of tirtayatra is not only to pray and receive holy water but also to immerse participants in the holy atmosphere of the visited temples. Participants of tirtayatra often like to bring some holy water home and give them as gift to their family. Receiving holy water from India or other temples is always an invaluable gift for those who appreciate them. The origin of holy water reflects both spiritual and social hierarchy.

Although the types and origins of holy water is varied, their functions, both spiritually and philosophically, remain the same, which are to remove impurity, to perform purification, and to receive God's blessing.

Holy Water : From Spiritual Significance to Social Hierarchy ( 3 )

With prayers at home or at a temple festival, the use of holy water often begins when devotees enter a temple. A ceramic bowl of medium size filled with holy water is often placed in front of the temple gate. Devotees should take the holy water and sprinkle it on their heads to purify their bodies and minds before entering the temple. Devotees are also required to cleanse their hands either using holy water or incense smoke to commence prayers. After praying, holy water is sprinkled three times. Firstly on their heads signifying purification of their minds to promote wise thought (manacika). Secondly, on their hands then held to their mouths to sip signifying purification of their mouths as to promote wise speech (wacika). Lastly, on their face or body signifying purification of their bodies as to promote wise behaviour (kayika). Manacika, wacika, and kayika are called trikaya parisudha, and are one of the principles of the Hindu teachings to encourage people to think, speak, and behave astutely.
It has become a habit for devotees to take holy water home in a can or plastic bag either to safeguard for upcoming relevant ceremonies or to distribute among family members. Members of the family who are unable to come to ceremonies or temple festivals (perhaps due to menstruation or being unable to afford long distance travel) can therefore still enjoy tirta and be blessed.

Holy Water : From Spiritual Significance to Social Hierarchy ( 2 )

The bigger the ritual then the more different types of holy water are required from different temples. During the first Bali bombing cleansing ceremony, named 'Pamarisudha Karipubhaya', at ground zero in November 2002, holy water was taken from as far away from the temple of Mount Semeru in East Java as well as Mount Rinjani in Lombok. In addition to holy water taken from temples outside of Bali and that provided by priests, holy water is also made at the actual ritual site by mask dancers and puppet masters. Holy water is used to purify the ritual site, to bless sacrificed animals so that their souls will go to heaven, to purify offerings and to bless prayers. At a big or special cleansing ritual for the whole of Bali, such as the one held after the Bali bombings in 2002, holy water was distributed through hierarchical structures from the Hindu council for customary affairs at a district level to sub-district and village levels before then being distributed to each member of society. At each distribution point, the holy water is mixed up with purified water to ensure enough for every one. Such distribution is meant to help people to get tirta without needing to come and join rituals held far from their residence.

Tirta is also important at cremation ceremonies. Cremations can be long, laborious, and complicated processes that can take days and weeks if not months. During the process, dozens of various tirta is needed starting from a small every day ceremony to the end of the cremation process. One significant importance is called tirta pangentas that cuts off the relationship between the body and soul of the deceased, so the soul can smoothly return to the afterworld. One hundred years ago, in September 1906, during 'the war to the end' that is locally known as puputan, which took place between the King of Badung and the Dutch colonial troops in Denpasar. The King's subjects were given tirta pangentas before going to war. This tirta was taken from the cremation ritual held for the old king who had died but had not been properly cremated due to the war. The sprinkling of tirta on the king's followers was both symbolic of their readiness to die in struggle to defend their motherland as well as engaging their spirit to get ready for battle. When they finally died at battle, principally no proper ritual or cremation was therefore needed. In September 2005 last year, however, the offspring King of Badung (now called King of Denpasar) held a proper chain of cremation rituals in case any of the king's followers did not receive tirta pangentas prior to the war a century ago.

Holy Water : From Spiritual Significance to Social Hierarchy ( 1 )

Holy water is the element of purification, blessings and godliness ever-present at Balinese rituals and ceremonies. Along with flowers (offerings) and fire (incense), holy water, or tirta in Balinese, is an essential part of Hindu rituals and ceremonies. There is no ritual considered complete without holy water. Given the importance of tirta at Balinese rituals and ceremonies, the religion is also known as 'the religion of holy water' or agama tirta, a name that also brings Hindu's closer to nature.

Holy water not is not only essential but also contributes to the various levels and complexities of ceremonies. Unlike the offerings displayed, the contribution of holy water to ritual complexities is not always easily observed. Holy water is usually kept in a ceramic or silver bowl of small to medium size that contains some flowers that contribute to its fragrance and sense of holiness. Different types of rituals require different types of holy water. There is holy water provided at a particular ritual by a priest (sulinggih, pemangku) at a family temple and also by ritual officiators such as shadow puppeteers or mask dancers. Each 'tirta' has its own function.

There is also specific holy water taken from various temples, ranging from family temples, seaside temples, lake temples, or mountain temples, all gathered by priests or laymen. Each clan group in Balinese society has their own priest and clan temples from where tirta is obtained for a particular ceremony. Although such alliances and hierarchy is not always fixed or static, for sure, tirta cannot be obtained from just any temple or just any priest.

‘Siat Sampian’: A Centuries Old Unique War Performance at Samuan Tiga Temple ( 4 )

The devotees dedicate their time and skills during the ritual preparations at Samuan Tiga, and they join the sampian war. The sampian war starts in the morning as early as 6 o'clock. It is started first by the premas, 42 people, wearing white shirts and black kamen, making a line and dancing around the temple with three different movements. For each movement, they first move around in circle three times, each circle being around 200 meters. The last movement is making waves where the premas hold each others' white waist-scarves. This white wave symbolizes holiness. The parekan, who dress in full white, join the last movement of the premas, but go straightaway to a temple to pray where they surrender themselves spiritually to the Gods. While the parekan are praying, the women group performs a war, using sampian to attack each other for around 10 minutes. When they have finished, the parekan enter the yard and dance hand in hand, moving around, and then perform the sampian war. The participants run to the spring water beji on the site to get holy water to mark the end of the holy war performance.
Samuan Tiga, which is strategically located set back a little from the main street between Ubud and Tampaksiring, used to be one of the most popular tourist destinations. The local Bali government built a stage for touristic performances and other cultural activities for the locals. Samuan Tiga was selected as one of the PATA's marts participants to visit in the mid 1970s. Many travel agents held dinners with cultural nights there. But, by the late 1980s, the popularity of Samuan Tiga as a tourist destination dropped drastically because of competition and lack of site management. But, nowadays, with a strong commitment from temple congregation to maintain their traditions and the spiritual power of the temple, Samuan Tiga has gradually regained its popularity especially concerning tradition and its religious field. This month, be sure not to miss the sampian war performance at Samuan Tiga where visitors are most welcome!

‘Siat Sampian’: A Centuries Old Unique War Performance at Samuan Tiga Temple ( 3 )

The main rituals of Samuan Tiga can be distinguished into three categories, which are the temple festival that falls every six months of the Balinese calendar (210 days) the same day as Kuningan. The other two are ngusaba alit and ngusaba agung, that fall every 11th full moon. The latter being a more elaborate festival that is attended by divinities and gods from related nearby temple networks, ngusaba alit is celebrated every odd year, while ngusaba agung is celebrated every even year, with this year, 2006, being an example, with a more grander ritual. The end of the whole ritual is marked by melasti or a purification ceremony at Lebih Beach, 15 km southward, done through a returning walking procession. In the procession, almost all of the temple regalia like spears, umbrellas, and arca are taken to the beach for purification. The primary congregation of Samuan Tiga temple spread across five customary villages, with a total of 2000 family heads, all of whom are socially obliged to attend the ritual.

Siat sampian is one of the most important and interesting. It's held two or three days after the ngusaba day. The war is first performed by the women's group called premas, and followed by the men's group called parekan. Both premas and parekan mean 'follower' or 'devotee' in Balinese. Not all of the temple's congregation are premas or parekan. The status of the devotees is determined by inheritance along the family line. There are now are 42 premas and 300 parekan. In the last ten years, the number of devotees has increased significantly, not because of an increase in family numbers, but because some of the devotees have submitted themselves to fulfill their spiritual promises, that the temple council would find difficult to reject. There were some of the congregation, for example, who promised to become a devotee if s/he could recovery from a serious and prolonged illness, others become devotees because s/he had been appointed in a dream by the divinities. Gaining a special status has also been a motive for members of the congregation to become premas or parekan. Those holding premas or parekan status are ascribed a certain prestige at the village level. They are often given trust to conduct certain rituals at the village level's temple.

‘Siat Sampian’: A Centuries Old Unique War Performance at Samuan Tiga Temple ( 2 )

The brilliant and influential priest Mpu Kuturan was able to encourage the participants to accept at least three concepts for both the Hindu beliefs and their community life. The first, the notion of Tri Murti, that is the three manifestations of God including Brahma, Wisnu, and Ciwa, each respectively being a Creator, Carer, and Destroyer. The second, the idea of the customary village known as desa pakraman along with its three village temples (Khayangan Tiga). The last is the three spaces of a household's temples and shrines or sanggah kemulan. All of these three-based concepts had been, and are now still, the backbone of the Bali Hindu religion. The term desa pakraman had long been forgotten, having been replaced by the Dutch term of desa adat (customary village). However, since early 2000, amidst the attempt to revitalize indigenous values, the Balinese once again use the term desa pakraman and are aware that the term has been passed down from Mpu Kuturan. Along with the popular use of the term desa pakraman, the Balinese also reflect again on the importance of Samuan Tiga temple.
Actually, Samuan Tiga temple is as important as the Hindu mother temple Pura Besakih, in Karangasem. This can bee seen from the ritual day of both temples that fall on the same day which is the 10th purnama (Purnama Kadasa, fall every April). In order to give more preparation time and to pray for the general public and in particular the congregation, the ritual at Samuan Tiga temple is delayed to the following full moon, which is the 11th purnama. Thousands of people, mainly from Southern Bali, come to perform worship to Samuan Tiga on each day of ritual. In addition to that, in the last ten years, the pilgrimage (tirta yatra) of this local region has become popular amongst the Balinese, therefore many people visit Samuan Tiga temple to pray, notably on the full moon day.

‘Siat Sampian’: A Centuries Old Unique War Performance at Samuan Tiga Temple ( 1 )

'Siat sampian' or sampian war is one of the oldest Balinese Hindus' sacred tradition that is performed annually at Samuan Tiga temple in Gianyar. In this war, dozens of premas - or women - worshippers to the temple's Gods, attack each other using young-coconut leaf arrangements (sampian) in an almost unconscious state of mind. After them, the same sampian war is also performed by no less than three hundred of the parekan - or men - devotees. The war and its related ritual begins at 6 am and finishes around 1 pm. This more than eleven centuries old tradition is very unique and cannot be found in other parts of Bali.

Samuan Tiga is one of the most important temples in the history of the Hindu development of Bali. Initially, Hinduism in Bali was very sectarian. There were at least nine sects among Hindu's adherents and each of them followed certain beliefs and practiced them differently. Each of them tended to claim the ultimate truth of their belief and undermined others. Thus this caused spiritual tension and forced the community to split thus forcing the king to reconcile them all. The then Balinese King, Udayana Warmadewa and his Javanese wife Sri Gunapriyadharmapatni, who ruled Bali in the 10th century, made a stand for reconciliation. A meeting was initiated and held at a place now called Samuan Tiga. The king invited several priests from Java to lead the reconciliation process.

Authentic Balinese Cuisine: From Ceremonial Food to Daily Consumption ( 4 )

Modern Tastes
If you asked any Balinese what their favorite food is, they will more than likely answer lawar and babi guling. They may also comment on how lucky they are being able to feast on it everyday if they so wish, unlike their parents in the past that could only enjoy it during celebrations. Nevertheless, when you ask them whether they know how or can make it, the answer would be 'No'.
In order to provide the younger Balinese generations with their tradition-related skills, a recent effort was made by high-school students in Denpasar. They were invited to perform a mèbat to make lawar at school together. This activity was part of the celebration of the anniversary of Denpasar city, on February 27. While this effort is certainly important for the younger generation to know how to make authentic Balinese food that has become part of their daily consumption, it is also inseparable from the attempt at the solidarity of their cultural identity.
In addition, one may argue that the modern daily consumption of their authentic food as opposed to the consumption as a part of a ceremonial rite can be understood as a form of the Balinese's attempt to reinvent their tradition amidst the wave of globalization, partly brought about by the tourism industry. However, may you enjoy the authentic tastes of Bali in remembering the tradition behind each dish. Selamat makan!

Authentic Balinese Cuisine: From Ceremonial Food to Daily Consumption ( 3 )

Warung Culture
However, since the growth of Bali's regional economy that was initially brought about by tourism, the Balinese have been able to consume their authentic food more often without needing to make it or wait for traditional festivities. This is not because they are able to afford it laboriously, but because they can now buy the food in warungs or food stalls for a relatively cheap price.
In the last decade, the number of warungs has increased in the main streets around Bali that offer special Balinese food including suckling-pig, lawar, and satay. Most of them open for breakfast, some for early dinner. Nowadays, suckling-pig warungs are available in almost every corner of the main streets in Denpasar and around Sanur, as they are along the bypass road between the Airport and Nusa Dua. Their customers are ordinary people or those who work in the nearby public and private sectors.
The town of Gianyar is also popular with its warung babi guling, both morning and late afternoon. In front of the Ubud palace, there is a well-known warung babi guling (Ibu Oka) which is always packed with people every day until early afternoon. Tour guides, drivers, domestic and foreign tourists can be witnessed sitting down crossed-leg having crispy and spicy suckling pig here. Thus, Balinese people do not have to wait six months if they want mouth-watering delicious lawar, crispy suckling pig, and tasty chicken or pork satay.
With the growth of the tourism industry and the richness of Balinese tradition, authentic Balinese cuisine has been healthily promoted through various channels. Books on Balinese food and its recipes have been published; Balinese food is also offered through various hotel and restaurant menus. Recently, there is also several Balinese cuisine cooking schools offered to visitors of the island, as have Balinese desserts that have been introduced as dishes in hotels, restaurants and cafés. Slowly but surely Balinese cuisine has become as popular among tourists visiting the island as food of other countries such as Thai, Chinese or Mexican food.
The popularity of authentic Balinese cuisine both in the tourism sector as well as amongst the Balinese community is certainly a good thing in one way, but perhaps not in another. As suckling pig has become the daily menu of many warungs, the process of making it has become the work of a 'professional' cook. Warung owners employ special staff to prepare it on daily basis. Therefore, the social activity of mèbat no longer applies in this business. This was brought about by the fact that only particular people could prepare satay, suckling pig, and lawar. When a family needs Balinese food for offerings, and a menu to serve to their guests for their traditional ceremonies such as weddings or tooth filing, they can easily order it from a special catering agent. Consequently, the mèbat activity has become a rare occasion. As it only takes place occasionally at the village or banjar level, it has slowly become an exclusive skill of a small number of people.

Authentic Balinese Cuisine: From Ceremonial Food to Daily Consumption ( 2 )

The final reason that these foods were kept for celebrations, is that preparing Balinese food is expensive. As the food was prepared by dozens of people, the number of people preparing could end up tripling the final product of what was actually required for the offerings. Some of the foods were needed to feed the people involved in mébat when they finish working. Some of the other food was required to serve guests who were attending the celebration. Therefore, a lot of money was required to support both those requirements. Balinese kings served suckling pig to their superior colonizers at particular occasions as they could afford to do so. As ordinary Balinese people could not afford it, they usually had fried eel, tofu, tempè, fish, eggs, sambals, and vegetables for daily consumption. Some of them even only managed to afford rice and salt. For them, the consumption of authentic Balinese food was part of a religious celebration.

Authentic Balinese Cuisine: From Ceremonial Food to Daily Consumption ( 1 )

Authentic Balinese cuisine is the original ceremonial food. The most popular being lawar, saté, and babi guling. Lawar is made of minced meat, vegetables, finely cut crackling, mixed with a lot of spices and uncooked-blood as a binding sauce. Saté or satay is grilled chopped meat that can be beef, pork, or chicken. Babi guling is a spit-roasted suckling pig. In the past, these foods were only made for religious rituals, celebrations, or festivals. Their social consumption was the extension of these celebrations. Thus, celebrations like Galungan and Kuningan, that fall every six months, became fiercely awaited by the Balinese, as a good reason to consume their delicious authentic cuisines.
There were other reasons why the Balinese rarely consumed their authentic food in the past. The first being that the preparation of Balinese food is laborious. Making satay, lawar, and suckling pig involved dozens of men in an activity called mébat, another form of the social Indonesian gotong royong or working together. Held in a spacious room such as a community hall (banjar), mébat was usually led by one or two skillful men in food making and preparation. Mébat actually marks the beginning of celebrations.
Not all the men involved in mébat know the complete food making process. Some of them may only be able to cut onions, chilies or chop meat. Others may only spear meat onto satay sticks or shred coconuts. They come to help as part of their communal social obligations. Apart from being laborious, Balinese food preparation is also time consuming. Usually, the spicy ingredients are prepared the night before, as so many things have to be done during actual mébat time, which should be finished by early morning in time for the ceremony.

‘Mèd-mèdan’ the ‘Kissing Tug of War’ ( 4 )

Kissing Sponsorship
What is clear, is that this kissing ceremony has been transformed from a fun game or communal activity into a sacred ritual. Its format has also evolved, as it has become more and more organized, involving the youngsters of the village community. In the past, many youths were bashful of participating. Nowadays, they feel it is the responsibility that comes with being young village community members, and with this also comes the guarantee of the longevity of mèd-mèdan. Each year, the kissing ritual becomes more and more lively. The organizers now accept sponsorship to fund the tradition, ranging from motorbike dealerships to drinking companies who, in turn, provide t-shirts for the youngsters to wear during the ritual.
While Indonesian lawmakers are currently discussing anti-pornography laws, which include banning kissing in public, the kissing ritual in Banjar Kaja Sesetan is of course far from indecent. Apart from its sacred meaning, the tradition is understood by the people of Banjar Kaja Sesetan as a form of innocently solidifying relationships amongst the village community, as they become the future of their society. In addition, for both tourists and locals alike, the tradition becomes another unique Balinese attraction during the Nyepi holiday. So, do not miss it!

Note: Jalan Raya Sesetan connects Denpasar and Bypass Ngurah Rai (at the intersection of Benoa Harbour). It is only 15 minutes from Kuta, Seminyak, Legian and Sanur.

‘Mèd-mèdan’ the ‘Kissing Tug of War’ ( 3 )

Kissing Folklore

The reason why no one dares to stop the mèd-mèdan tradition in Banjar Kaja Sesetan is probably because of the folklore around it that many believe to be true. These myths have been circulated in the form of good old story telling. The first being the story of a senior figure from an upper caste of the village feeling sick and needing a good rest. At Nyepi, people of his neighborhood organized games and created various noises that only ended in making him feel dizzy. He stepped out in order to disperse the crowd, but suddenly the ill figure felt cured from his sickness. Instead of stopping the people from having fun, he encouraged them to keep going. Since then, people uphold the tradition of playing mèd-mèdan at Nyepi. During Dutch rule, the community was even willing to pay a fine in order to continue playing the game.
Secondly, there is a story about a number of villagers who fell sick without good reason, after the village failed to perform the tradition during the 1960's. This seemed especially significant given the year of the alleged communist coup on September 30th, 1965. The tradition was skipped because of social and political reasons, but then resumed after a suggestion given by a spiritual elder. The tradition is believed to keep the villagers from harm and misfortune.
Another tale is related to a weird incident that took place one afternoon in the 1980's. Two pigs suddenly turned up out of nowhere in the village of Sesetan, to then fight fiercley until their blood flowed. This took place when the people of Sesetan skipped the mèd-mèdan tradition following the ban on people going out during Nyepi. Because of the sign relating to the pigs, mèd-mèdan was once again resumed, but was instead held the day after Nyepi. Since then, the mèd-mèdan tradition is considered a sacred ritual, something that must be annually upheld.

‘Mèd-mèdan’ the ‘Kissing Tug of War’ ( 2 )

Cheeky Kissing
The ritual commences by dividing the youths by gender into two opposing lines, where the boys eagerly wait on the northern, and the girls timidly line up in the southern, parts of the street. A referee will signal the start the game where each group gets close to pull each other, until the boys kiss the girls on the cheek. A traditional baleganjur orchestra, with harsh but melodious sounds, will accompany the ritual to encourage the spirit of each of the participants. Other members of the crowd pour water onto the 'kissers' to make the 'war' come alive. If the kissing continues, more water is poured, supposedly to discourage them, before starting with another round. Hundreds of people as well as tourists usually watch this interesting ritual.
Originally, mèd-mèdan was a communal activity found throughout Sesetan village, but today, only exists in Banjar Kaja. It was originally held on Nyepi Day, a supposedly quiet day. In the past, each community celebrated Nyepi by coming onto the streets. Since there was not any traffic during Nyepi, people could play on the street with ease. It was easy to find people around Denpasar City, for example at Padangsambian village, where boys and girls poured onto the streets and happily played games such as a local-type of base ball (using a ball made of arranged-coconut leaves) and megoak-goak (snakes and ladders) from morning up to the late afternoon. However, around Sesetan village, the game of mèd-mèdan was the most popular.
Around the 1970's, the celebration of Nyepi was regulated according to the Hindu teachings. People were urged to stay at home and practice meditation or any form of self-introspection during Nyepi. They were not allowed to travel, let alone to play games as before. The effectiveness of this regulation varied from one place to another. Many people in Sesetan village stopped playing games on the street at Nyepi. People of Banjar Kaja, however, did not skip the mèd-mèdan activity. However, instead of doing it on the actual day of Nyepi, they decided to celebrate it on the following day.

‘Mèd-mèdan’ the ‘Kissing Tug of War’ ( 1 )

A Communal Activity Becomes a Sacred Tradition

Kissing Tug of War
If you happen to be stuck in traffic on Jalan Raya Sèsètan, Denpasar, between 3-5 pm, do not feel stressed. You could, instead, park your car, get out, and have fun by watching a captivating mèd-mèdan (tug of war without a rope), which is more popularly known as the 'kissing tradition'. This unique Banjar Kaja (Kaja village community) centuries-old tradition is held annually, on the day after Nyepi, the Balinese Hindu Day of Silence. This tradition cannot be found in any other part of Bali.
On Nyepi Day, all of Bali will be deadly silent for the whole day. People stay at home. There will be no work, no entertainment, no traffic, the shops and offices will be closed, with no lights being illuminated at night. Not only do shops shut down, but the international airport will also be closed to allow the Balinese to soberly observe the Hindu Caka New Year. When normal activity resumes on the following day, known as Ngembak Geni (literally meaning 'relighting the fires'), a lively celebration will take place all over Bali. The adolescents of Banjar Kajar Sèsètan, for example, will hold the most unique of the mèd-mèdan rituals, which celebrates a cheek-kissing festivity between boys and girls.
Dozens of the boy and girl members of the youth organization of the banjar (village community) will turn up on the street on the day after Nyepi, wearing a simple style of Balinese attire. Boys will don an 'udeng' (headband). Before the ritual begins, at around 3 pm, they pray together at the banjar temple to ask for God's blessings so that they may have a prosperous and safe life when entering the community in the coming years. During the prayers, the priest also asks spiritual permission to use the street for the mèd-mèdan ritual. Before the human tug of war begins, a barong dance (a mythical lion-like beast with a pig's head) at the banjar temple is performed, accompanied by a gamelan orchestra.