Selamat Menjalankan Ibadah Puasa Ramadhan

Rain Stoppers, Traditional Knowledge in A Modern Age ( 4 )

Although the average rainfall in Bali is relatively low, avoiding disappointment from the possibility of rain by providing a rain diverter is always worth planning. Since the topic of the rain-stopping ritual is often discussed between people in the tourism industry, especially by event organizers with their foreigner counterparts, more and more outsiders know and think about rain-stoppers. Eventually the subject can even serve to promote and enhance the mystical image of Bali.
The continued use of rain-stoppers in various activities indicates that this traditional knowledge or belief still has its functional meaning and practicality in the modern age. Although modern technology now witnesses the use of laser-light to clear a cloud to prevent rainfall, the traditional way to divert rain is still popular in Bali as it is in most regions in Java. Compared to modern technology, the use of a traditional rain-stopper is much more practical, while its effectiveness is almost certain. If you happen to have an important and special outdoor function yourself, do not allow rain to spoil it. Invite a rain-diverter, and, let the Balinese Gods do the rest.

Rain Stoppers, Traditional Knowledge in A Modern Age ( 3 )

In Balinese tradition there is also a rain-asking ritual. This ritual is usually performed in the case of long dry spells. Groups of farmers often perform this in order to water their paddy. A more elaborate offering is required for the rain-asking ritual. Both the rain-asking and stopping rituals have proved to work well otherwise would not still be performed. The failure of a rain stopping ritual might occur because several rain-stoppers are in action at the same time at a similar location. Each of them will push away the clouds from the area they have to secure, sometimes to the direction where another rain-stopping ritual is being held. By this, the attempt easily fails. Another reason may be that the ritual of rain stopping is performed too close to the time of rainfall. The earlier a rain-stopping ritual is performed, the better the results. The better prepared the ritual, the higher chance it will be fulfilled by God.
A person who performs the rain stopping or rain diverting is called 'tukang terang' in Balinese or 'pawang hujan' in Indonesian. Knowledge in asking and preventing or diverting rainfall is kept in a 'lontar' leaf manuscript written in old Javanese. Some of these have recently been printed into a book form with stunning calligraphy or rerajahan. A tukang terang usually gains knowledge and skill through either reading lontar palm leaves or by receiving divine blessings through a series of trances. Before being able to perform a rain stopping ritual, they need to do a self-purification ritual. Many temple priests try to have rain stopping rituals performed for his/ her temple. A set of offerings and a lot of incense is required for performing a rain-stopping ritual. The offerings will be officiated in a shrine or temple near to the area where the function is to be held. Hotel management or event organizers might invite a tukang terang from a distant village if the local temple priest is not keen to do so. During the ritual, a tukang terang spell is cast as a mantra in the form of mediation, to ask God to kindly pour rain on another place.
A rain diverter is often in high demand during the rainy season in Bali. Rainy season falls between September and April. This means that the holiday and festivity month of December and January tend to have a lot of rain. As there are usually a lot of outdoor celebration during these months; concerts, and parties, the invitation of a rain-stopper to ensure the smooth running of a program is often given priority. The success of a rain-diverting ritual can be as high as 90%. Event organizers have to budget extra to ensure their program is rain free. As other rituals in Balinese tradition, there is no fixed charge for rain-stopper ritual, but it could cost between US$ 25 to US$ 100, including the costs of offerings.

Rain Stoppers, Traditional Knowledge in A Modern Age ( 2 )

For rain, however, the Balinese have a tradition to stop, hold, or divert it to other locations or to simply hold it for several hours. The aim is to secure a rain-free spot where a function or activity is being held. Many important occasions in Bali and other parts of Indonesia were made rain-free by traditional means. For example, the opening performances of the annual Bali Arts Festival at the Denpasar Art Centre is usually accompanied by a rain-stopping ritual, especially if the program is going to be attended by special guests like Presidents, ministers, and ambassadors. To also ensure the smooth running of a temple festival, a ritual of rain stopping will usually be performed. At Besakih Temple, there is a shrine for the seat of Ida Ratu Sila Majemuh, where rain-stopping rituals are usually performed to avoid rainfall in the Besakih Temple area during a festival. The celebration of Asia-Africa Conference Anniversary in West Java, in 2005, was also secured by rain-stopper.
The ritual of rain-stopping or diverting, is not an eye-catching activity because it is performed low key. It is performed by officiating small offerings and burning incense, as well as a plate of fire (pengasepan). All of these aim to produce smoke that on rising up is believed to be able to push clouds away. The movement of the clouds aims at letting the rain fall elsewhere or pour when the rain stopping ritual has ended.

Rain Stoppers, Traditional Knowledge in A Modern Age ( 1 )

Imagine a three-month well planned garden party all of a sudden dissolved by heavy rain. Invited guests scattered around, food soaking wet, and all the fine decorations destroyed by water. Imagine an open-aired professionally prepared musical concert cannot proceed because of water pouring unexpectedly from the dark sky overhead. Assume a special outdoor party for an incentive tour group failed to continue because of rain. All of these situations would cause great pain and disappointment.

In order to avoid such disappointment and pain, inviting a rain stopper or diverter might be a good idea. It might sound senseless, but attempts in stopping unexpected rainfall is one of the oldest traditions in Balinese cultural practices, which can also be found in most societies in Java. This tradition is still practiced by the Balinese, because of its significance and function, not only within traditional, but also within a modern context, such as tourism activities. These beliefs and practices are not aimed against the will of Mother Nature. In fact, people believe that Mother Nature has her own system that cannot be intervened by human beings. All natural occurrences, such as earthquakes, tsunamis, floods, lighting, strong winds, and thunder are predestined by God through Mother Nature. No one knows how to predict them or how to stop or divert them, to save human lives and prevent natural disasters.

Holy Water : From Spiritual Significance to Social Hierarchy ( 4 )

Tirta is a Sanskrit word meaning water, holy water, river, or bathing place. It also means the holy place for pilgrimage as in the word tirtayatra. Tirtayatra has recently become popular amongst the Balinese. They do not only practice tirtayatra around Bali but also at temples in Java and some places in India. Several Balinese tour companies offer packaged tirtayatra tours to India, although they are not demanded as highly as the annual Muslim pilgrimage to Mekka, have been steadily on the increase. Bathing in the River Ganges is always included on India's tirtayatra itinerary. Tirtayatra to India is affordable only by the upper-middle and upper class Balinese Hindus. The lower-middle and lower class people do tirtayatra on auspicious days, such as at the full moon (purnama) to holy places in Bali and Java. The goal of tirtayatra is not only to pray and receive holy water but also to immerse participants in the holy atmosphere of the visited temples. Participants of tirtayatra often like to bring some holy water home and give them as gift to their family. Receiving holy water from India or other temples is always an invaluable gift for those who appreciate them. The origin of holy water reflects both spiritual and social hierarchy.

Although the types and origins of holy water is varied, their functions, both spiritually and philosophically, remain the same, which are to remove impurity, to perform purification, and to receive God's blessing.

Holy Water : From Spiritual Significance to Social Hierarchy ( 3 )

With prayers at home or at a temple festival, the use of holy water often begins when devotees enter a temple. A ceramic bowl of medium size filled with holy water is often placed in front of the temple gate. Devotees should take the holy water and sprinkle it on their heads to purify their bodies and minds before entering the temple. Devotees are also required to cleanse their hands either using holy water or incense smoke to commence prayers. After praying, holy water is sprinkled three times. Firstly on their heads signifying purification of their minds to promote wise thought (manacika). Secondly, on their hands then held to their mouths to sip signifying purification of their mouths as to promote wise speech (wacika). Lastly, on their face or body signifying purification of their bodies as to promote wise behaviour (kayika). Manacika, wacika, and kayika are called trikaya parisudha, and are one of the principles of the Hindu teachings to encourage people to think, speak, and behave astutely.
It has become a habit for devotees to take holy water home in a can or plastic bag either to safeguard for upcoming relevant ceremonies or to distribute among family members. Members of the family who are unable to come to ceremonies or temple festivals (perhaps due to menstruation or being unable to afford long distance travel) can therefore still enjoy tirta and be blessed.

Holy Water : From Spiritual Significance to Social Hierarchy ( 2 )

The bigger the ritual then the more different types of holy water are required from different temples. During the first Bali bombing cleansing ceremony, named 'Pamarisudha Karipubhaya', at ground zero in November 2002, holy water was taken from as far away from the temple of Mount Semeru in East Java as well as Mount Rinjani in Lombok. In addition to holy water taken from temples outside of Bali and that provided by priests, holy water is also made at the actual ritual site by mask dancers and puppet masters. Holy water is used to purify the ritual site, to bless sacrificed animals so that their souls will go to heaven, to purify offerings and to bless prayers. At a big or special cleansing ritual for the whole of Bali, such as the one held after the Bali bombings in 2002, holy water was distributed through hierarchical structures from the Hindu council for customary affairs at a district level to sub-district and village levels before then being distributed to each member of society. At each distribution point, the holy water is mixed up with purified water to ensure enough for every one. Such distribution is meant to help people to get tirta without needing to come and join rituals held far from their residence.

Tirta is also important at cremation ceremonies. Cremations can be long, laborious, and complicated processes that can take days and weeks if not months. During the process, dozens of various tirta is needed starting from a small every day ceremony to the end of the cremation process. One significant importance is called tirta pangentas that cuts off the relationship between the body and soul of the deceased, so the soul can smoothly return to the afterworld. One hundred years ago, in September 1906, during 'the war to the end' that is locally known as puputan, which took place between the King of Badung and the Dutch colonial troops in Denpasar. The King's subjects were given tirta pangentas before going to war. This tirta was taken from the cremation ritual held for the old king who had died but had not been properly cremated due to the war. The sprinkling of tirta on the king's followers was both symbolic of their readiness to die in struggle to defend their motherland as well as engaging their spirit to get ready for battle. When they finally died at battle, principally no proper ritual or cremation was therefore needed. In September 2005 last year, however, the offspring King of Badung (now called King of Denpasar) held a proper chain of cremation rituals in case any of the king's followers did not receive tirta pangentas prior to the war a century ago.

Holy Water : From Spiritual Significance to Social Hierarchy ( 1 )

Holy water is the element of purification, blessings and godliness ever-present at Balinese rituals and ceremonies. Along with flowers (offerings) and fire (incense), holy water, or tirta in Balinese, is an essential part of Hindu rituals and ceremonies. There is no ritual considered complete without holy water. Given the importance of tirta at Balinese rituals and ceremonies, the religion is also known as 'the religion of holy water' or agama tirta, a name that also brings Hindu's closer to nature.

Holy water not is not only essential but also contributes to the various levels and complexities of ceremonies. Unlike the offerings displayed, the contribution of holy water to ritual complexities is not always easily observed. Holy water is usually kept in a ceramic or silver bowl of small to medium size that contains some flowers that contribute to its fragrance and sense of holiness. Different types of rituals require different types of holy water. There is holy water provided at a particular ritual by a priest (sulinggih, pemangku) at a family temple and also by ritual officiators such as shadow puppeteers or mask dancers. Each 'tirta' has its own function.

There is also specific holy water taken from various temples, ranging from family temples, seaside temples, lake temples, or mountain temples, all gathered by priests or laymen. Each clan group in Balinese society has their own priest and clan temples from where tirta is obtained for a particular ceremony. Although such alliances and hierarchy is not always fixed or static, for sure, tirta cannot be obtained from just any temple or just any priest.

‘Siat Sampian’: A Centuries Old Unique War Performance at Samuan Tiga Temple ( 4 )

The devotees dedicate their time and skills during the ritual preparations at Samuan Tiga, and they join the sampian war. The sampian war starts in the morning as early as 6 o'clock. It is started first by the premas, 42 people, wearing white shirts and black kamen, making a line and dancing around the temple with three different movements. For each movement, they first move around in circle three times, each circle being around 200 meters. The last movement is making waves where the premas hold each others' white waist-scarves. This white wave symbolizes holiness. The parekan, who dress in full white, join the last movement of the premas, but go straightaway to a temple to pray where they surrender themselves spiritually to the Gods. While the parekan are praying, the women group performs a war, using sampian to attack each other for around 10 minutes. When they have finished, the parekan enter the yard and dance hand in hand, moving around, and then perform the sampian war. The participants run to the spring water beji on the site to get holy water to mark the end of the holy war performance.
Samuan Tiga, which is strategically located set back a little from the main street between Ubud and Tampaksiring, used to be one of the most popular tourist destinations. The local Bali government built a stage for touristic performances and other cultural activities for the locals. Samuan Tiga was selected as one of the PATA's marts participants to visit in the mid 1970s. Many travel agents held dinners with cultural nights there. But, by the late 1980s, the popularity of Samuan Tiga as a tourist destination dropped drastically because of competition and lack of site management. But, nowadays, with a strong commitment from temple congregation to maintain their traditions and the spiritual power of the temple, Samuan Tiga has gradually regained its popularity especially concerning tradition and its religious field. This month, be sure not to miss the sampian war performance at Samuan Tiga where visitors are most welcome!

‘Siat Sampian’: A Centuries Old Unique War Performance at Samuan Tiga Temple ( 3 )

The main rituals of Samuan Tiga can be distinguished into three categories, which are the temple festival that falls every six months of the Balinese calendar (210 days) the same day as Kuningan. The other two are ngusaba alit and ngusaba agung, that fall every 11th full moon. The latter being a more elaborate festival that is attended by divinities and gods from related nearby temple networks, ngusaba alit is celebrated every odd year, while ngusaba agung is celebrated every even year, with this year, 2006, being an example, with a more grander ritual. The end of the whole ritual is marked by melasti or a purification ceremony at Lebih Beach, 15 km southward, done through a returning walking procession. In the procession, almost all of the temple regalia like spears, umbrellas, and arca are taken to the beach for purification. The primary congregation of Samuan Tiga temple spread across five customary villages, with a total of 2000 family heads, all of whom are socially obliged to attend the ritual.

Siat sampian is one of the most important and interesting. It's held two or three days after the ngusaba day. The war is first performed by the women's group called premas, and followed by the men's group called parekan. Both premas and parekan mean 'follower' or 'devotee' in Balinese. Not all of the temple's congregation are premas or parekan. The status of the devotees is determined by inheritance along the family line. There are now are 42 premas and 300 parekan. In the last ten years, the number of devotees has increased significantly, not because of an increase in family numbers, but because some of the devotees have submitted themselves to fulfill their spiritual promises, that the temple council would find difficult to reject. There were some of the congregation, for example, who promised to become a devotee if s/he could recovery from a serious and prolonged illness, others become devotees because s/he had been appointed in a dream by the divinities. Gaining a special status has also been a motive for members of the congregation to become premas or parekan. Those holding premas or parekan status are ascribed a certain prestige at the village level. They are often given trust to conduct certain rituals at the village level's temple.

‘Siat Sampian’: A Centuries Old Unique War Performance at Samuan Tiga Temple ( 2 )

The brilliant and influential priest Mpu Kuturan was able to encourage the participants to accept at least three concepts for both the Hindu beliefs and their community life. The first, the notion of Tri Murti, that is the three manifestations of God including Brahma, Wisnu, and Ciwa, each respectively being a Creator, Carer, and Destroyer. The second, the idea of the customary village known as desa pakraman along with its three village temples (Khayangan Tiga). The last is the three spaces of a household's temples and shrines or sanggah kemulan. All of these three-based concepts had been, and are now still, the backbone of the Bali Hindu religion. The term desa pakraman had long been forgotten, having been replaced by the Dutch term of desa adat (customary village). However, since early 2000, amidst the attempt to revitalize indigenous values, the Balinese once again use the term desa pakraman and are aware that the term has been passed down from Mpu Kuturan. Along with the popular use of the term desa pakraman, the Balinese also reflect again on the importance of Samuan Tiga temple.
Actually, Samuan Tiga temple is as important as the Hindu mother temple Pura Besakih, in Karangasem. This can bee seen from the ritual day of both temples that fall on the same day which is the 10th purnama (Purnama Kadasa, fall every April). In order to give more preparation time and to pray for the general public and in particular the congregation, the ritual at Samuan Tiga temple is delayed to the following full moon, which is the 11th purnama. Thousands of people, mainly from Southern Bali, come to perform worship to Samuan Tiga on each day of ritual. In addition to that, in the last ten years, the pilgrimage (tirta yatra) of this local region has become popular amongst the Balinese, therefore many people visit Samuan Tiga temple to pray, notably on the full moon day.

‘Siat Sampian’: A Centuries Old Unique War Performance at Samuan Tiga Temple ( 1 )

'Siat sampian' or sampian war is one of the oldest Balinese Hindus' sacred tradition that is performed annually at Samuan Tiga temple in Gianyar. In this war, dozens of premas - or women - worshippers to the temple's Gods, attack each other using young-coconut leaf arrangements (sampian) in an almost unconscious state of mind. After them, the same sampian war is also performed by no less than three hundred of the parekan - or men - devotees. The war and its related ritual begins at 6 am and finishes around 1 pm. This more than eleven centuries old tradition is very unique and cannot be found in other parts of Bali.

Samuan Tiga is one of the most important temples in the history of the Hindu development of Bali. Initially, Hinduism in Bali was very sectarian. There were at least nine sects among Hindu's adherents and each of them followed certain beliefs and practiced them differently. Each of them tended to claim the ultimate truth of their belief and undermined others. Thus this caused spiritual tension and forced the community to split thus forcing the king to reconcile them all. The then Balinese King, Udayana Warmadewa and his Javanese wife Sri Gunapriyadharmapatni, who ruled Bali in the 10th century, made a stand for reconciliation. A meeting was initiated and held at a place now called Samuan Tiga. The king invited several priests from Java to lead the reconciliation process.

Authentic Balinese Cuisine: From Ceremonial Food to Daily Consumption ( 4 )

Modern Tastes
If you asked any Balinese what their favorite food is, they will more than likely answer lawar and babi guling. They may also comment on how lucky they are being able to feast on it everyday if they so wish, unlike their parents in the past that could only enjoy it during celebrations. Nevertheless, when you ask them whether they know how or can make it, the answer would be 'No'.
In order to provide the younger Balinese generations with their tradition-related skills, a recent effort was made by high-school students in Denpasar. They were invited to perform a mèbat to make lawar at school together. This activity was part of the celebration of the anniversary of Denpasar city, on February 27. While this effort is certainly important for the younger generation to know how to make authentic Balinese food that has become part of their daily consumption, it is also inseparable from the attempt at the solidarity of their cultural identity.
In addition, one may argue that the modern daily consumption of their authentic food as opposed to the consumption as a part of a ceremonial rite can be understood as a form of the Balinese's attempt to reinvent their tradition amidst the wave of globalization, partly brought about by the tourism industry. However, may you enjoy the authentic tastes of Bali in remembering the tradition behind each dish. Selamat makan!

Authentic Balinese Cuisine: From Ceremonial Food to Daily Consumption ( 3 )

Warung Culture
However, since the growth of Bali's regional economy that was initially brought about by tourism, the Balinese have been able to consume their authentic food more often without needing to make it or wait for traditional festivities. This is not because they are able to afford it laboriously, but because they can now buy the food in warungs or food stalls for a relatively cheap price.
In the last decade, the number of warungs has increased in the main streets around Bali that offer special Balinese food including suckling-pig, lawar, and satay. Most of them open for breakfast, some for early dinner. Nowadays, suckling-pig warungs are available in almost every corner of the main streets in Denpasar and around Sanur, as they are along the bypass road between the Airport and Nusa Dua. Their customers are ordinary people or those who work in the nearby public and private sectors.
The town of Gianyar is also popular with its warung babi guling, both morning and late afternoon. In front of the Ubud palace, there is a well-known warung babi guling (Ibu Oka) which is always packed with people every day until early afternoon. Tour guides, drivers, domestic and foreign tourists can be witnessed sitting down crossed-leg having crispy and spicy suckling pig here. Thus, Balinese people do not have to wait six months if they want mouth-watering delicious lawar, crispy suckling pig, and tasty chicken or pork satay.
With the growth of the tourism industry and the richness of Balinese tradition, authentic Balinese cuisine has been healthily promoted through various channels. Books on Balinese food and its recipes have been published; Balinese food is also offered through various hotel and restaurant menus. Recently, there is also several Balinese cuisine cooking schools offered to visitors of the island, as have Balinese desserts that have been introduced as dishes in hotels, restaurants and cafés. Slowly but surely Balinese cuisine has become as popular among tourists visiting the island as food of other countries such as Thai, Chinese or Mexican food.
The popularity of authentic Balinese cuisine both in the tourism sector as well as amongst the Balinese community is certainly a good thing in one way, but perhaps not in another. As suckling pig has become the daily menu of many warungs, the process of making it has become the work of a 'professional' cook. Warung owners employ special staff to prepare it on daily basis. Therefore, the social activity of mèbat no longer applies in this business. This was brought about by the fact that only particular people could prepare satay, suckling pig, and lawar. When a family needs Balinese food for offerings, and a menu to serve to their guests for their traditional ceremonies such as weddings or tooth filing, they can easily order it from a special catering agent. Consequently, the mèbat activity has become a rare occasion. As it only takes place occasionally at the village or banjar level, it has slowly become an exclusive skill of a small number of people.

Authentic Balinese Cuisine: From Ceremonial Food to Daily Consumption ( 2 )

The final reason that these foods were kept for celebrations, is that preparing Balinese food is expensive. As the food was prepared by dozens of people, the number of people preparing could end up tripling the final product of what was actually required for the offerings. Some of the foods were needed to feed the people involved in mébat when they finish working. Some of the other food was required to serve guests who were attending the celebration. Therefore, a lot of money was required to support both those requirements. Balinese kings served suckling pig to their superior colonizers at particular occasions as they could afford to do so. As ordinary Balinese people could not afford it, they usually had fried eel, tofu, tempè, fish, eggs, sambals, and vegetables for daily consumption. Some of them even only managed to afford rice and salt. For them, the consumption of authentic Balinese food was part of a religious celebration.

Authentic Balinese Cuisine: From Ceremonial Food to Daily Consumption ( 1 )

Authentic Balinese cuisine is the original ceremonial food. The most popular being lawar, saté, and babi guling. Lawar is made of minced meat, vegetables, finely cut crackling, mixed with a lot of spices and uncooked-blood as a binding sauce. Saté or satay is grilled chopped meat that can be beef, pork, or chicken. Babi guling is a spit-roasted suckling pig. In the past, these foods were only made for religious rituals, celebrations, or festivals. Their social consumption was the extension of these celebrations. Thus, celebrations like Galungan and Kuningan, that fall every six months, became fiercely awaited by the Balinese, as a good reason to consume their delicious authentic cuisines.
There were other reasons why the Balinese rarely consumed their authentic food in the past. The first being that the preparation of Balinese food is laborious. Making satay, lawar, and suckling pig involved dozens of men in an activity called mébat, another form of the social Indonesian gotong royong or working together. Held in a spacious room such as a community hall (banjar), mébat was usually led by one or two skillful men in food making and preparation. Mébat actually marks the beginning of celebrations.
Not all the men involved in mébat know the complete food making process. Some of them may only be able to cut onions, chilies or chop meat. Others may only spear meat onto satay sticks or shred coconuts. They come to help as part of their communal social obligations. Apart from being laborious, Balinese food preparation is also time consuming. Usually, the spicy ingredients are prepared the night before, as so many things have to be done during actual mébat time, which should be finished by early morning in time for the ceremony.

‘Mèd-mèdan’ the ‘Kissing Tug of War’ ( 4 )

Kissing Sponsorship
What is clear, is that this kissing ceremony has been transformed from a fun game or communal activity into a sacred ritual. Its format has also evolved, as it has become more and more organized, involving the youngsters of the village community. In the past, many youths were bashful of participating. Nowadays, they feel it is the responsibility that comes with being young village community members, and with this also comes the guarantee of the longevity of mèd-mèdan. Each year, the kissing ritual becomes more and more lively. The organizers now accept sponsorship to fund the tradition, ranging from motorbike dealerships to drinking companies who, in turn, provide t-shirts for the youngsters to wear during the ritual.
While Indonesian lawmakers are currently discussing anti-pornography laws, which include banning kissing in public, the kissing ritual in Banjar Kaja Sesetan is of course far from indecent. Apart from its sacred meaning, the tradition is understood by the people of Banjar Kaja Sesetan as a form of innocently solidifying relationships amongst the village community, as they become the future of their society. In addition, for both tourists and locals alike, the tradition becomes another unique Balinese attraction during the Nyepi holiday. So, do not miss it!

Note: Jalan Raya Sesetan connects Denpasar and Bypass Ngurah Rai (at the intersection of Benoa Harbour). It is only 15 minutes from Kuta, Seminyak, Legian and Sanur.

‘Mèd-mèdan’ the ‘Kissing Tug of War’ ( 3 )

Kissing Folklore

The reason why no one dares to stop the mèd-mèdan tradition in Banjar Kaja Sesetan is probably because of the folklore around it that many believe to be true. These myths have been circulated in the form of good old story telling. The first being the story of a senior figure from an upper caste of the village feeling sick and needing a good rest. At Nyepi, people of his neighborhood organized games and created various noises that only ended in making him feel dizzy. He stepped out in order to disperse the crowd, but suddenly the ill figure felt cured from his sickness. Instead of stopping the people from having fun, he encouraged them to keep going. Since then, people uphold the tradition of playing mèd-mèdan at Nyepi. During Dutch rule, the community was even willing to pay a fine in order to continue playing the game.
Secondly, there is a story about a number of villagers who fell sick without good reason, after the village failed to perform the tradition during the 1960's. This seemed especially significant given the year of the alleged communist coup on September 30th, 1965. The tradition was skipped because of social and political reasons, but then resumed after a suggestion given by a spiritual elder. The tradition is believed to keep the villagers from harm and misfortune.
Another tale is related to a weird incident that took place one afternoon in the 1980's. Two pigs suddenly turned up out of nowhere in the village of Sesetan, to then fight fiercley until their blood flowed. This took place when the people of Sesetan skipped the mèd-mèdan tradition following the ban on people going out during Nyepi. Because of the sign relating to the pigs, mèd-mèdan was once again resumed, but was instead held the day after Nyepi. Since then, the mèd-mèdan tradition is considered a sacred ritual, something that must be annually upheld.

‘Mèd-mèdan’ the ‘Kissing Tug of War’ ( 2 )

Cheeky Kissing
The ritual commences by dividing the youths by gender into two opposing lines, where the boys eagerly wait on the northern, and the girls timidly line up in the southern, parts of the street. A referee will signal the start the game where each group gets close to pull each other, until the boys kiss the girls on the cheek. A traditional baleganjur orchestra, with harsh but melodious sounds, will accompany the ritual to encourage the spirit of each of the participants. Other members of the crowd pour water onto the 'kissers' to make the 'war' come alive. If the kissing continues, more water is poured, supposedly to discourage them, before starting with another round. Hundreds of people as well as tourists usually watch this interesting ritual.
Originally, mèd-mèdan was a communal activity found throughout Sesetan village, but today, only exists in Banjar Kaja. It was originally held on Nyepi Day, a supposedly quiet day. In the past, each community celebrated Nyepi by coming onto the streets. Since there was not any traffic during Nyepi, people could play on the street with ease. It was easy to find people around Denpasar City, for example at Padangsambian village, where boys and girls poured onto the streets and happily played games such as a local-type of base ball (using a ball made of arranged-coconut leaves) and megoak-goak (snakes and ladders) from morning up to the late afternoon. However, around Sesetan village, the game of mèd-mèdan was the most popular.
Around the 1970's, the celebration of Nyepi was regulated according to the Hindu teachings. People were urged to stay at home and practice meditation or any form of self-introspection during Nyepi. They were not allowed to travel, let alone to play games as before. The effectiveness of this regulation varied from one place to another. Many people in Sesetan village stopped playing games on the street at Nyepi. People of Banjar Kaja, however, did not skip the mèd-mèdan activity. However, instead of doing it on the actual day of Nyepi, they decided to celebrate it on the following day.

‘Mèd-mèdan’ the ‘Kissing Tug of War’ ( 1 )

A Communal Activity Becomes a Sacred Tradition

Kissing Tug of War
If you happen to be stuck in traffic on Jalan Raya Sèsètan, Denpasar, between 3-5 pm, do not feel stressed. You could, instead, park your car, get out, and have fun by watching a captivating mèd-mèdan (tug of war without a rope), which is more popularly known as the 'kissing tradition'. This unique Banjar Kaja (Kaja village community) centuries-old tradition is held annually, on the day after Nyepi, the Balinese Hindu Day of Silence. This tradition cannot be found in any other part of Bali.
On Nyepi Day, all of Bali will be deadly silent for the whole day. People stay at home. There will be no work, no entertainment, no traffic, the shops and offices will be closed, with no lights being illuminated at night. Not only do shops shut down, but the international airport will also be closed to allow the Balinese to soberly observe the Hindu Caka New Year. When normal activity resumes on the following day, known as Ngembak Geni (literally meaning 'relighting the fires'), a lively celebration will take place all over Bali. The adolescents of Banjar Kajar Sèsètan, for example, will hold the most unique of the mèd-mèdan rituals, which celebrates a cheek-kissing festivity between boys and girls.
Dozens of the boy and girl members of the youth organization of the banjar (village community) will turn up on the street on the day after Nyepi, wearing a simple style of Balinese attire. Boys will don an 'udeng' (headband). Before the ritual begins, at around 3 pm, they pray together at the banjar temple to ask for God's blessings so that they may have a prosperous and safe life when entering the community in the coming years. During the prayers, the priest also asks spiritual permission to use the street for the mèd-mèdan ritual. Before the human tug of war begins, a barong dance (a mythical lion-like beast with a pig's head) at the banjar temple is performed, accompanied by a gamelan orchestra.

TUMPEK LANDEP ( 7 )

Day of Technology
As Tumpek Landep is a ceremony held for metal goods and other post modern appliances, and with the adaptability that the Balinese show when coping with modernity, Tumpek Landep day could also be known as Tumpek Technology or the Day of Technology in the near future, something that Balinese might inspire the world to celebrate!

TUMPEK LANDEP ( 6 )

Tumpek Wariga and Tumpek Kandang

In addition to Tumpek Landep, the Balinese also celebrate a special day for trees known as Tumpek Wariga and a day for live-stock known as Tumpek Kandang, of which both fall at different times every six months (210 days) during the Balinese lunar calendar. On the auspicious day for trees, offerings are made to fruit trees, palm trees, and gardens, while on the auspicious day for live-stock, offerings are given to chickens, pigs, and other live-stock. While the aim of the ceremonies on Tumpek Landep is for the well being and productive use of technological products, the aim in celebrating the auspicious days for plants and live-stock is to ensure the growth of flora and fauna, so they can be successfully cultivated for the prosperity of humanity. These two celebrations are less likely to be observed as they are held in family compounds and farms. The celebration of Tumpek Landep is more visible as cars on the street are decorated with the aforementioned sampian and lamak.

TUMPEK LANDEP ( 5 )

The inclusion to the Tumpek Landep ceremony of offerings to machinery and other steel, iron and metallic modern products suggests at least two interrelated points. Firstly, it reflects the flexibility of the Balinese's beliefs and traditions. The Balinese's beliefs and traditions have proven to be adaptable and relevant to modern life. Some may not feel safe in operating new engines or driving new cars without first given them a blessing ceremony. Others may believe that accidents in the operation of an engine or the driving of a car may be caused by carelessness during a ceremony on Tumpek Landep. This belief remains strong in modern day Bali. This is a noticeable point as ceremonies on Tumpek Landep have become more and more elaborate over time. This practice further suggests that the more modern the Balinese the more traditional they become.

Secondly, the significant meaning of the Tumpek Landep ceremony resides on its goal to sharpen people's minds and hearts, as they are the ultimate users of technology. This supports the message of a proverb that says 'man is behind the gun'. Therefore, the functions of technological products eventually rely on the usage of the people who operate them. Consequently, in order to ensure the proper, safe, and wise use of weapons, machines, vehicles, and other metallic appliances, the mind and heart of the user needs to be foremost and continuously revitalized. The Balinese try to uphold this revitalization every Tumpek Landep day.

TUMPEK LANDEP ( 4 )

Today, ceremonies on Tumpek Landep are extended to ritualize all objects made of metal, including cars, motorbikes, trucks, computers, televisions, digital cameras and machinery. Machinery, vehicles, and other goods are washed and cleaned prior to the ceremony. Transport companies who own several cars or buses, printing companies, rice-milling factories and all other factories normally close operations on Tumpek Landep day. Metallic objects are blessed through quite a large ceremony with elaborate offerings; perhaps completed with the sharing of a suckling pig, the ultimate show of a successful ceremony. The goals are the same; on one hand, Lord Pasupati is honoured and on the other hand, operational functions are maintained, thus helping day-to-day usage. People also believe that a lack of ceremonies could cause the metallic objects to malfunction. Therefore, the Balinese usually perform a 'melaspas' ceremony for every new metallic object before its use or operation. During the ceremony, it is hoped that the Gods will bless the objects as well as their users. In the recent past, a jumbo jet at Bali Ngurah Rai airport was even witnessed being ritualized before starting to serve a new international route! However, ceremonies of small metal goods or big machinery such as trucks continue to be held every Tumpek Landep and on holy days such as Kuningan.

TUMPEK LANDEP ( 3 )

Keris is also symbolically important for Balinese families although not all possess one. Like male dancers, grooms usually wear a keris across their backs during wedding ceremonies. In the now rare case of an absent groom at the marriage ceremony, due to unresolved clan differences, a bride is married to a keris as a representation of the groom. Some people also collect keris for a hobby. A group of keris collectors whose members come from Java and Bali often hold keris exhibitions and seminars in Denpasar. The modern-day interpretation of keris in both day-to-day life as well as Balinese tradition makes the ritual of Tumpek Landep highly anticipated. The ceremony aims not only to honor the Lord of Heirlooms and to revitalize the magical powers of the metallic tools, but also symbolizes the sharpening of the owner's heart and mind.

TUMPEK LANDEP ( 2 )

While the word 'tumpek' means a particular day on a Saturday in the Balinese lunar calendar and the word 'landep' in Balinese means 'sharp'. People who were born on Tumpek Landep day are believed to have sharp minds and brains. Initially, Tumpek Landep was a day of rituals given to specifi c sharp tools made of steel like weapons, 'tombak' (spear) and 'keris' (a traditional wavy double-bladed dagger). Both 'keris' and 'tombak' are symbolically used by temples during festivals and processions. Keris is also an essential tool used in the performing arts. Almost all male dancers representing a hero or the upper class have a keris across their backs and use it as a weapon during a war or fi ght. Visitors who watch 'Keris and Barong Dances', one of the most popular tourist performances, will see how the armies of the destructive power of Rangda (an evil fi gure) use keris in trying to stab their opponent, Barong (representing good). With his magical powers, Barong, who symbolizes positive powers, hypnotizes the armies. The armies then go into trance and stab themselves and their leader Rangda, instead of Barong. The stab causes them no harm at all, and a priest is required to bring them out of trance.

TUMPEK LANDEP ( 1 )

At least four times a year visitors to Bali

will bear witness to cars and motorbikes cruising the streets of the island decorated with 'sampian' and 'lamak' - offerings made of young coconut leaves and fl owers. The decorations mark that the cars and motorbikes have been blessed through ceremonious rituals. Such rituals take place on Kuningan and Tumpek Landep, both 'pawukon' days based on the Balinese lunar calendar that fall every six months (210 days). While ceremonies held on Kuningan are part of the great Hindu holiday of Galungan, a day in celebration of the glory of good against evil, thus not in connection with vehicles. Ceremonies held on Tumpek Landep day are uniquely held to bless metallic objects, including cars, motorbikes, and machinery. The rituals aim to honor Sang Hyang Pasupati, Lord of Heirlooms, for the creation of steel goods. Tumpek Landep day falls twice this year, on Saturday, 4th March, and on Saturday 30th September.

‘Wayang’ - Shadow Puppetry : SKATEBOARD SHADOW PUPPETS

The last type shadow puppets are known as skateboard shadow puppets. These shadow puppets use electric lamps and laser lights to project images from a computer. The background of these performances could be sea, mountains, forests, palaces, and shops. The puppets are played behind a big, wide screen, 4 x 3 m that is twice as big as a conventional screen. In order to play the puppets in such a wide space, a puppeteer has to be assisted by 4 to 5 other puppeteers, who move around behind the screen on skateboards – hence the name.
I Made Sidia and his friends from Gianyar founded this new type of shadow puppetry after the 2002 Bali bombings. They organised several performances in Kuta and Jimbaran to assist the traumatized community through their philosophical and entertaining performances. The puppeteers have created several new characters like African Flamingoes, Sundanese rhinoceros, and even a present-day Balinese teenage girl with gyrating hips and western attitudes, all of which meet both the story line and demand of humor.
Thus, its ritual function helps 'wayang' to be maintained and performed in its sacred form but the modern era has also allowed the creativity of the puppeteer to experiment with new forms of shadow puppets. Why not try and see both kinds while on Bali and decide which you prefer?

‘Wayang’ - Shadow Puppetry : ENTERTAINMENT – THE SECOND CATEGORY

Another type of shadow puppet is based on pure entertainment. The story will be taken from either a part of the 'Mahabharata' or 'Ramayana' epics, although the aim of the performance is purely to entertain the public. In this case, the puppeteer will dominate the show with the jokes and funny movements of his puppets. Political satire, sexual innuendos, insults, and riddles usually dominate such a performance. Mixed language between Balinese, Indonesian, and a bit of English has also become a key ingredient in the performance. The following puppeteers have become popular for their amusing shadow puppets; the late Dalang Lukluk, Dalang Joblar, and Chenk Blonk. During his performance, Chenk Blonk does not use a 'blencong' but prefers electric lamps. This is very modern. When he is chosen to entertain, Chenk Blong rarely accepts to perform a 'sapuleger' show. He prefers his shows to be recorded and sold on compact disc and is proving to be quite popular.

‘Wayang’ - Shadow Puppetry : SAPULEGER – THE FIRST CATEGORY

It is fast becoming a tradition for those born on 'wayang pawukon' to perform 'wayang' at least once during their childhood as a symbolic and spiritual way to save him or her from being chased by Divine Kala. This shadow puppet performance is called a 'sapuleger'; a performance aimed to mentally and spiritually cleanse. More mature people can also hold a 'Sapuleger': for example, after he or she recovers from a serious illness, or to be protected from a series of misfortunes. Many people, including those who were not born on 'wayang pawukon', also hold a 'sapuleger' for the same reasons or to ensure a safe and better future life.
The cost per performance can vary between Rp. 1,5 million to Rp. 2 million including the cost of the offerings. A 'sapuleger' is normally performed at night. In order to save time and money, the family arrives at the puppeteer's house with the complete required offerings, to ask for holy water for the ritual. In this case, the performance is only held symbolically.

‘Wayang’ - Shadow Puppetry : WAYANG PAWUKON

There is a myth in Balinese tradition in which those who were born during 'wayang', a seven day cycle, and 'pawukon' of a 210 day cycle, from the Balinese calendar (the next cycle falls on Saturday 28 January), must hold a shadow puppet performance at least once to avoid misfortune during their life. The myth goes that the God 'Siwa' had a son who was born on a Saturday under 'wayang pawukon'. The son, named Divine Kala asked his father what he could eat. The God Siwa replied that he could eat those who were born on the same 'pawukon' day as him. In the heavens, no one was born on the same day as Divine Kala, until eventually his brother Rare Kumara was born on 'pawukon', the same day as him. When Divine Kala wanted to eat Rare Kumara, the God Siwa prevented him from doing so by pointing out that Rare Kumara was still just a babe. Divine Kala decided to wait but the God Siwa cursed Rare Kumara to remain a child, thus being freed from the threat of being eaten by his brother. Understanding the unfairness and not wanting to wait any longer, Divine Kala hunted his younger brother, who in turn made his escape by coming down to earth.
Whilst on the run, he arrived in a place where shadow puppets were being performed. He hid himself under a bamboo hole used by the gamelan orchestra, so Divine Kala could not get to him. Following behind him, and by now very hungry, Divine Kala ate all the offerings from the shadow puppet show. The puppeteer in turn got incredibly angry with him and asked him to return all the offerings. A compromise was reached; the puppeteer would forgive Divine Kala if in return he would stop chasing his younger brother and whoever was to be born on the same day of 'wayang pawukon'. This was agreed.
Recent developments show that shadow puppetry on Bali now falls into three different categories. The first is shadow puppetry that maintains the sacred nature of the performance without losing its entertaining elements. Since it first appeared, shadow puppetry has been performed to represent many sacred events by ritualistic means; those of Bali's ancestors, her holy men, those of human beings, and of destructive powers. During these performances, a puppeteer not only performs accordingly but also produces the holy water required for the ritual.

‘Wayang’ - Shadow Puppetry : VOICES AND GAMELAN

A gamelan orchestra accompanies the shadow puppets' performance. The orchestra might be small, played by 4 people, or larger, being played by 15 to 20 musicians. The puppeteer plays alone and should be talented enough to change voices according to the characters of the dozens of puppets, voices of men or women, kings or clowns, Gods or demons, as well as the sounds of fire or wind. The talent of a puppeteer lies not only in his ability to present the structure of the story well, with all its necessary complex philosophical values, but also, and perhaps most importantly, in making different character voices in both serious and funny conversations.

‘Wayang’ - Shadow Puppetry : BLENCONG

Shadow puppets can be performed during the day and at night. The daytime play usually accompanies a ritual in a direct way, while the nighttime show is performed as part of a ritual as well as public entertainment. A puppet master or puppeteer plays shadow puppets from behind a screen. A 'blencong', or light of a flame ignited from coconut oil, is used to cast the shadow of the puppets. The quivering flame makes the shadow of the puppet jump alive. In Java, the coconut oil light has now sadly been replaced by electric lamps, a phenomenon that is now also occurring on Bali. During the show, two assistants aid the puppeteer by providing him (as the puppeteer is rarely a 'her') with his required puppets. Fragments of the Indian epics 'Ramayana' and 'Mahabharata' are popularly played out as themes for the shadow puppets.

‘Wayang’ - Shadow Puppetry ( 1 )

Most Balinese performing arts are considered sacred although there is a wonderful balance of entertainment involved. Shadow puppets are a good example. This is one of the most sacred of the performing arts as most shows are performed ritualistically, although their quality and popularity are not only dependent on how good the puppet master presents the story and moral values, but also as to how entertaining their presentation is.

PURNAMA ( FULL MOON ) ( 2 )

Nowadays, purnama in Sanur is still beautiful, but people do not need to wait to come to the beach on that day. People can come to Sanur every day if they like. Purnama and Sanur no longer have a strong connection. The tall building on Sanur beach, which used to be considered so splendid, has now lost its attractiveness. Also, the number of places for recreation has increased; now it is mainly malls and cafes where teenagers like to hang around at the week end.

The romantic dimension of the full moon has become less celebrated by teenagers nowadays. Changes have taken place, marked by more spiritual activities, held on purnama day. On the night of purnama, young people around the town of Denpasartemple Jagatnatha, located in the front of Puputan Badung Park. The praying itself does not take long. Some people like to stay up late in the temple or doing what they called makemit, praying and establishing peace of mind but others like to hang around the temple and the Puputan Badung Park
The spiritual dimension of purnama has been very strong recently. Every purnama, many primary and secondary school students in Denpasar, and in other regions throughout Bali, come to school without uniform but wearing traditional Balinese attire. They pray at school together before the classes start. Non-Balinese kids may wear Balinese attire if they wish, although they do not have to. prefer to put on their Balinese attire and go to pray at the until late night. During the purnama night, the park is packed with people, a scene that did not exist three decades or so ago. Those who come to Jagatnatha temple are mostly young people, including school students. On purnama day, students of high schools in Denpasar go to school after hours to pray at their school temple. Some stay there until late at night, while others go to Jagatnatha temple to pray again.

Using Balinese traditional costume (pakaian adat) is an important development in Balinese society; especially among the young generation. They are proud of their traditions and this is in contrast to what happened in the 1950s and 1960s. Young people were then ashamed to wear Balinese attire. If they went to temple some distance away by bicycle, they tended to wear trousers on the way and kept their Balinese clothes in a bag. They only put them on when they arrived in the temple. After praying, they wrapped up the pakaian adat again and put them back in the bag. However, nowadays, things have changed dramatically and the changes are supported by the promotion of purnama as the day for Hindu students to wear Balinese costume.

Schools have started to use the so-called Bali or Hindu greeting 'Om Swastiastu'. The use of this greeting is aimed at strengthening Balinese identity. The construction of regional identity has been very strong but is becoming more important in Indonesia since the promotion of the regional autonomic system of government since 2000. Each region has changed greatly in order to promote as well as enrich their local culture. In Bali, tradition and culture as well as Hinduism have become the main elements of identity construction. Purnama in Bali has shown more ritual dimension, though it has not lost its romantic atmosphere at all.

Visitors who happen to have purnama during their holiday in Bali may be lucky enough to see how the Balinese carry on their traditions in the modern era.

On the day of the full moon, Balinese people usually do tirta yatra or pilgrimage to their family or main Hindu temples such as Besakih, Tanah Lot, and Uluwatu. Some often go to pray to Alas Purwo Temple and Mandara Giri near Semeru Mountain in East Java. They come in groups, travelling by bus, like groups of civil servants, hotel or garment factory workers, and the cost paid or subsidized by the company. Tirta yatra has become a fashion and is usually done on purnama day.

Although we are focusing upon the full moon in this article, it should be mentioned that 'Tilem', the dark moon, is also an auspicious day in the Balinese calendar.

PURNAMA ( FULL MOON ) ( 1 )

Purnama or full moon is an auspicious day to Balinese people. Many important Hindu rituals fall upon or are held at this time. The day is believed to bring happiness both socially and spiritually. The significance of purnama, however has changed over recent times.

In the past, say four or five decades ago, purnama had more meaning for romantic things, while its ritual dimension was rather insignificant. Between the1950s and 1970s, purnama was the day that teenagers were always very much looking forward to. On the purnama day, they enjoyed the brightness of the night by going to the beach. Teenagers in Denpasar, for example, went to Sanur beach to enjoy the beauty of the full moon. Many people also swam at the beach that night. They believed that by swimming at the beach on purnama day, they were not just cleaning their bodies but also their minds.

Because the transport facilities before the 1970s was not as modern as nowadays, Denpasar inhabitants went to Sanur by bicycle. Limited street lighting on the road was not an obstacle to their travelling by bicycle because the moon poured its shining light on the road. One after another bicycle usually went to Sanur on the night of purnama. The light of the moon not only eased the ride but also accentuated the romance of their journey.

On the purnama night, Sanur beach was packed with people, usually until midnight, when most of the visitors went home. People avoided hanging around at the beach until late at night because of the magical images of the area. Besides going to Sanur at purnama, teenagers also liked to go to the cinema. New releases of films were often shown for the first time at purnama so as to be able to attract a bigger audience. Sanur beach and the cinema were among the few places available for recreation at that time.

Going to Sanur for teenagers also let them see the 'splendour' of the first and only ten storeyed building in Bali; The Grand Bali Beach Hotel located on Sanur beach. This hotel was the most attractive object for local people to see during holidays such as Galungan and Kuningan or New Year.

Nowadays, purnama in Sanur is still beautiful, but people do not need to wait to come to the beach on that day. People can come to Sanur every day if they like. Purnama and Sanur no longer have a strong connection. The tall building on Sanur beach, which used to be considered so splendid, has now lost its attractiveness. Also, the number of places for recreation has increased; now it is mainly malls and cafes where teenagers like to hang around at the week end.

The romantic dimension of the full moon has become less celebrated by teenagers nowadays. Changes have taken place, marked by more spiritual activities, held on purnama day. On the night of purnama, young people around the town of Denpasar prefer to put on their Balinese attire and go to pray at the temple Jagatnatha, located in the front of Puputan Badung Park. The praying itself does not take long. Some people like to stay up late in the temple or doing what they called makemit, praying and establishing peace of mind but others like to hang around the temple and the Puputan Badung Park until late night. During the purnama night, the park is packed with people, a scene that did not exist three decades or so ago. Those who come to Jagatnatha temple are mostly young people, including school students. On purnama day, students of high schools in Denpasar go to school after hours to pray at their school temple. Some stay there until late at night, while others go to Jagatnatha temple to pray again.
The spiritual dimension of purnama has been very strong recently. Every purnama, many primary and secondary school students in Denpasar, and in other regions throughout Bali, come to school without uniform but wearing traditional Balinese attire. They pray at school together before the classes start. Non-Balinese kids may wear Balinese attire if they wish, although they do not have to.

Bondres: Bali Style of Comedy ( 2 )

The prelude scene, marked by a couple of mask dances, was followed by several scenes that led into a plan for a big ritual in the palace such as a wedding. Since the king was respected by his people, he then received a lot of support to make the party run smoothly. The three funny characters enthusiastically come to the palace as representatives of the people.
Using a mixture of languages - Balinese, Indonesian, and a bit of English, the arrogant man comes first, and says how he will dedicate his skill to the wedding ritual. Identifying himself as a civil servant who works at an upper level he appears so confident yet hilarious. He uses a lot of word games, mixing language, and mocking references to modernity and current issues in tourism, thereby giving fresh and authentic jokes for the audience.

As for the other two characters, the chubby-cheeked lady and the deaf old man, although looking very old, the woman introduces herself as a virgin and still a university student. When the king's adjutant welcomes and mocks her as an old and unattractive woman, she then gives the man a lesson by showing her high knowledge of moral and religious values. The funny elements from the character of the deaf old man come from the dialogue between the two, which is full of misunderstandings. Although almost all bondres characters are depicted as stupid, they also sometimes appear as smart and literate people who know a lot about history, tradition, and religious values; reflecting the high literacy level of the dancer, Ngurah Windia.

The Topeng Tugèk Carangsari was very popular throughout the 1980s and 1990s. They were invited not only for ritual or ordinary performances but also used by government institutions and NGOs to promote ideas including 'awareness of tourism', 'awareness of law', on family planning, and on road traffic. Now their dancers are getting old and are unable to perform with the original team. Moreover, their jokes are losing some of their humour since they have been continually recycled by other bondres groups.

The Topeng Tugèk Carangsari group has been very influential. Almost all bondres groups have copied its format with very little adjustment. Mask-dance groups from Denpasar, Badung, and even from North Bali nowadays, often recycle the format and content of Topeng Tugèk Carangsari's humour. Now such mask dances often also appear on TV and are used to make trade promotions. A bondres group from North Bali, which has been very popular recently, has a western dancer that makes it possible for the group to offer more jokes in language games between Balinese, Indonesian and English, either when the Balinese express thing in English or the western dancer says something in Balinese or Indonesian.

Recently, many bondres have left out the stories from their performances and transformed it into pure comedy. After the Bali bombings, several bondres groups were invited by government or NGOs to entertain the public in order to help society eliminate their fears. Bondres also often appear in hotels or even at police station anniversary celebrations. Most of the groups are still able to make people laugh although they are not as funny as the original Topeng Tugèk Carangsari; the pioneers of what is an essentially typical Balinese form of comedy.

Bondres: Bali Style of Comedy ( 1 )

Balinese people have a great sense of humour. This can be seen through their visual arts such as painting, sculpture and the performing arts; including the sacred puppet-shadow and mask dance. Clown characters that make jokes and help audiences understand stories are pre-eminent in all of the Balinese performing arts.

One of the most popular forms of performing arts that is dominated by or often focuses upon only humorous elements, is bondres, also known as topeng bondres. Topeng in Balinese means mask, while bondres refers to comic characters. Topeng bondres means an amusing form of mask used by dancers to make a comical appearance.

Bondres became known in the mid 1970s through the birth of a mask dance group called Topeng Carangsari, named after the village of Carangsari, North of Sangeh Monkey forest. Before this decade, the word 'bondres' was not know and still doesn't appear in today's dictionary of the Balinese language.

The Topeng Carangsari was the first group of mask-dancers to create the typical clown and they made the whole performance entertaining through their fresh, original, and smart jokes. Mask-dance used to be a sacred or serious dance, usually performed to accompany a ritual such as a temple festival or a particular stage in a cremation ritual. When the mask-dance transformed into a performing genre, like prembon, by performing particular stories such as the genealogy of a king or clan, they were hardly entertaining and quite boring. Suddenly, Topeng Carangsari lead by a talented dancer, I Gusti Ngurah Windia, came up with great format of mask-dance which is called topeng tugèk Carangsari. Tugèk means 'chubby beautiful lady'.

Topeng Tugèk Carangsari created three distinctive characters who are a chubby-cheeked lady, the hare lipped arrogant man, and a deaf old man. These three characters have similar important roles, which are to articulate the story and to make audiences laugh. Interestingly, these characters were all played by one dancer, Ngurah Windia, who also played other characters such as a priest and king's adviser or enemy. He played each role just by changing masks and voices accordingly. The total number of topeng dancers is six. Other characters are the princess and her follower, the king (played by a female dancer) and two of his male adjutants. They were quite a solid group.

SELAMAT HARI KEMERDEKAAN RI KE-62

JOGED - A FUN DANCE ( 2 )

Pengibing are attracted to dance, not just because they like it, but also because they are attracted by the charms of the joged. It is not unusual for one or two of the more adventurous young men to try to move his hips so he can touch the joged's hips, or even to steal a quick kiss. The more beautiful a joged dancer is, the greater the number of men volunteering!

Joged has a long history. In the kingdom era, early 19th century in Bali, the image of joged dancers was not very good. A performance was often arranged by kings to entertain their guests and the dancers were often low status women who could do little to object when asked by the king to please guests, whether romantically, sexually or in any other way.

Unfortunately, the negative image of joged dancers continues until the present time. After the reformation era, joged became a wild performance in terms of its hip shaking and erotic movements.

The distribution of a VCD of pornographic jogged, filmed using an amateur video in 2002, made the negative images of joged even worse. In this and in following years, images of joged caused public controversy; many people liked to watch a 'wild joged', while others accused it of not being in accordance with moral values.

Joged had usually been performed in the annual Bali Arts Festival but, as a consequence of the joged porn VCD, the performance disappeared from the 2004 Bali Arts Festival. Interestingly, at the national level, issues of erotic gyrations of the young dangdut singer Inul Daratista also sparked controversy, but it has been allowed and accepted by the dominant view as a type of performing art.

Ideas to promote joged came up and were welcomed as long as the dance developed without any tendency to sensual or sexual movement. A 'Festival ngibing' was held to improve the politeness and dancing ability of spectators when invited to dance. Additionally, the aesthetic aspect of the dance was emphasised.

After some efforts to minimise wild aspects of joged, it reappeared in the Bali Arts Festival 2005. As expected, it was in a more polite form though the tendency to the hot shaking hips and kiss-stealing has not disappeared at all.
Joged has often been performed to entertain a group of tourists with the main aim of creating a cheerful and fun occasion where tourists, male and female, can experience stretching their hands for a Balinese dance! The happy and entertaining quality of joged much depends upon where it is performed and who are the audience.

JOGED A -FUN DANCE ( 1 )

Balinese dance usually identifies sacred characters because most dances are performed in connection with religious rituals. However, there are also many secular types of dance that are done purely for entertainment and fun and there are others that are performed with the tourists in mind.

One of the most irreverent of Balinese dances is joged, which is also known as joged bumbung; referring to the instruments made of bamboo used to accompany it. In the Indonesian and Balinese languages, joged means to shake the hips. A joged dancer wears relatively unelaborate attire, comprising a kebaya and sarung. Her head, either with or without gelungan, is decorated with fresh and gold-plated flowers and she will be holding one or more fans while dancing. The fans are used to touch spectators in order to invite them to join the dance.
Unlike many other forms of dance, joged doesn't have any particular pattern of movement or special steps. It can start and finish at any time but 10 minutes is about the average time for each dancer. Great ability to improvise is a must for a joged dancer and although every dancer can do joged, the audience always expects to see an attractive and charming girl. She has to throw a lot of smiles to make her appearance attractive to the spectators, who are generally predominantly male!
Shaking the hips is one of the important characteristics of joged. The dancer does this in a seductive way in order to attract people to dance with her. An onlooker invited to dance is called pengibing and his dance is called ngibing. In one joged performance, there can be between 6 and 12 dancers and the show can take from 1 to 2 hours. Each girl appears once and invites from 4-8 spectators to dance but there is no set number for this.
A joged dancer usually comes to pick one of the bystanders after making a brief attractive dance movement. She selects one among many of usually rowdy watchers who raise their hands; this invited spectator won't necessarily know how to dance. Before dancing, the girl gives him a sash to be tied round his hips as a symbol of tying up his desires. While he tries to dance, his appearance will almost certainly look odd and this is a great source of amusement for the rest of the crowd. If you find yourself at a performance of joged bumbung and you don't fancy being dragged in to the centre, try to keep a good distance away because it is considered impolite to refuse the dancer's invitation.

THE KEBYAR

The renewal of the arts during the 30’s saw a surge in dance creativity, producing dances that are still the most popular in Bali : short but spectacular non-narrative dances inspired by the dynamism of the Gong Kebyar, a Gamelan orchestra originating from Northern Bali. The most famous are the Kebyar Duduk and Kebyar Trompong. These two dances were created by Mario, Balinese dance genius from this century. They are displays of suppleness and virtuosity, particularly the Kebyar Trompong, with the dancer playing the Trompong Instrument while dancing.

PENDET AND PENYEMBRAMA

These dances are performed to welcome visiting Gods, who are presented with offerings of flowers. Nowadays tourists are also showered with flowers.

THE TOPENG MASK

“Topeng” means mask and the mask dance related the tales of Balinese and Javanese ancestors returning temporarily to inhabit the mask. Nowadays, the main stories, with their princes and clowns, are preceded by a set of solo mask dances for men – the “Topeng Keras”, or dance of the “Strong Warrior”, the “Topeng Tua” – a fantastic dance showing the advance of old age in the king’s old counselor, and the “Topeng Dalem” – showing the king in all his glory with enough clowns to fill a circus.

THE GAMBUH

The Gambuh is the oldest classical dance in Bali, probably introduced at the time of the Majapahit culture. At a hauntingly slow tempo, the Gambuh dance drama tells episodes from the story of Panji’s search for his beloved in the kingdoms of Eastern Java. Now retained in only a few villages (notably Batuan and Pedungan), the Gambuh combines the best of both female and male Balinese dancing. An unusual feature is the use of long bamboo flutes instead of the complete set of Gamelan and Gongs.

THE LEGONG KRATON

The famous Legong Dance is the epitome of classical female Balinese dancing. A court dance, it was created in the 18^th century in the circles of the principality of Sukawati. According the legend, in the mid-18^th century, I Dewa Agung Made Karna who was meditating for 40 days and nights saw two dancing celestial angles. After his meditations, he passed on what he had seen and heard to his court dancers and musicians. The Sanghyang Legong was born.

Now including a variety of modern “free creation” (tari lepas), the legong is usually the first dance taught to beginners. Months of training are needed to master the perfect mix of posture (tangkep), movements and mimicry. Three dancers in glittering costumes – one condong lady – In – waiting and two princesses whose roles change according to the narrative – usually perform it. The ancient Legong used to have a storyteller’s accompaniment, but these days they are only dance performances.

THE BARONG

The Barong is the magical protector of Balinese villages. As “Lord of the forest” with fantastic fanged mask and long mane, he is the opponent of Rangda the witch, who rules over the spirits of darkness, in the never ending fight between good and evil. During the Galungan Kuningan festivals, the Barong (there are many types, including Barong Ket, Barong Macan and Barong Bangkal) wanders from door to door (nglawang) cleansing the territory of evil influences.

The fight between Barong and Rangda is also the topic of traditional narratives, usually performed in the temple of the dead. The most famous is the story of Calonarang, a widow from Jirah who furious because she cannot find a suitable husband for her daughter Ratna Manggali. All the eligible young men are scared of her black magic, so she gets revenge by wreaking havoc over the kingdom of Daha. The king, Erlangga, tries to punish her, but all his attempts fail. She kills all the soldiers he sends to destroy her. Then Rangda decides to destroy Daha. She summons all her disciples and in the still of night they go to the Setra Gandramayu cemetery, to present offerings of dead flesh to Durga, the goddess of death. Durga agrees to the destruction, although she warns the witch not to enter the city of Daha.

But the witch does not heed Durga’s advice and the kingdom is soon hit by grubug (a plague) and the villages quickly become cemeteries, people dying even before they can bury their dead. Corpses are scattered everywhere and the stench is unbearable.

The only person who can defeat the witch is Mpu Baradah. At the king’s request, Baradah sends his disciple Bahula to steal Calonarang’s magic weapon. Bahula pretends to ask for Ratna Manggali’s hand in marriage, and while the witch away, Bahula steals the magic weapon with the help of Ratna Manggali. Then he gives the stolen weapon to his teacher Baradah. The weapon turns out to be a manuscript containing the key to ultimate release (moksa) which has been used upside-down by Calonarang.

Baradah goes to Daha to challenge the witch. With the help of the Barong, she is defeated. Before being killed, she asks to be release from her curse and purified.